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| From Manushi Archives : Facing Extermination |
A Report on the Present State of the Gods and Goddesses in South Asia First Published in no. 99, March - April 1997 |
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| Author(s) : Ashis Nandy |
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SOME years ago, in the city of Bombay, a young Muslim playwright wrote and staged a play that had gods — Hindu gods and goddesses — as major characters. Such plays are not uncommon in India; some would say that they are all too common. This one also included gods and goddesses who were heroic, grand, scheming and comical. This provoked not the audience but Hindu nationalists, particularly the Hindu Mahasabha, a spent political force for a long time, in Bombay. This city is now being dominated by a more powerful Hindu nationalist formation, the Shiv Sena.
It is doubtful if those who claimed they had been provoked were really provoked. It is more likely that they pretended to be offended and precipitated an incident to make their political presence felt. After all, such plays have been written in India since time immemorial. Vikram Savarkar of Hindu Mahasabha — a grandson of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar (1883-1966), the non-believing father of Hindu nationalism who thoughtfully gifted South Asia the concept of Hindutva — organised a demonstration in front of the theatre where the play was being staged, caught hold of the playwright, and threatened to lynch him. Ultimately Savarkar’s gang forced the writer to bow down and touch Savarkar’s feet, to apologise for writing the play. The humiliation of the young playwright was complete; it was duly photographed and published in newspapers and news magazines.
Though Savarkar later claimed that Hinduism had won, for he had not allowed a Muslim to do what Muslims had not allowed Hindus to do with Islam’s symbols of the sacred, at least some Hindus felt that on that day Hindutva might have won, but Hinduism had certainly lost. It had lost because a tradition at least fifteen hundred years old (things might have been different in the pre-epic days) was sought to be dismantled. During these fifteen hundred years, a crucial identifier of Hinduism — as a religion, a culture and a way of life — has been the particular style of interaction humans have with gods and goddesses. Deities in everyday Hinduism, from the heavily Brahminic to the aggressively non-Brahminic, are not entities outside everyday life, nor do they preside over life from outside, but are a constituent of life. Their presence is telescoped not only into one’s transcendental self but, to use Alan Roland’s tripartite division, also into one’s familial and individualised selves and even into one’s most light-hearted, comical, naughty moments.2 Gods are above and beyond humans but are, paradoxically, not outside the human fraternity.3 You can adore or love them, you can disown or attack them, you can make them butts of your wit and sarcasm. Savarkar, not being literate in matters of faith and pitiably picking up ideas from the culture of Anglo-India to turn Hinduism into a ‘proper’ religion from an inchoate pagan faith, was only ensuring the humiliating defeat of Hinduism as it is known to most Hindus.
Since about the middle of the last century, perhaps beginning from the 1820s, there has been a deep embarrassment and discontent with the lived experience of Hinduism, the experience which paradoxically the young Muslim playwright, Savarkar’s victim, represented. Vikram Savarkar is only the last in a galaxy of people — Hindus, non-Hindus, Indians, non-Indians — who have felt uncomfortable with the over-populated Indian pantheon, its richly textured, pagan personalities, their unpredictability, variety and all too human foibles. For nearly 150 years, we have been seeing a concerted, systematic effort to either eliminate these gods and goddesses from Indian life or to tame them and make them behave. I am saying ‘Indian’ and not ‘Hindu’ life self-consciously, for these gods and goddesses not only populate the Hindu world but regularly visit and occasionally poach on territories outside it. They are not strangers outside India, either.4 By indirectly participating in the effort to retool or gentrify them that has been going on for over one hundred years, Savarkar was only following the tradition of Baptist evangelists like William Carey and Joshua Marshman and the rationalist religious and social reformers such as Rammohun Roy and Dayanand Saraswati in nineteenth century India, who felt that the country’s main problem was its idolatry and the rather poor personal quality of its gods and goddesses. These reformers wanted Indians to get rid of their superfluous deities and either live in a fully secularised, sanitised world in which rationality and scientific truth would prevail or, alternatively, set up a proper monotheistic God like the ‘proper’ Christians and Muslims had. Vikram Savarkar was attacking in the playwright a part of his self no longer acceptable, but not easy to disown either.
The early attacks on the gods and goddesses by the various Hindu reform movements, from Brahmo Samaj to Arya Samaj, have been dutifully picked up by formations till recently at the periphery of politics in India, such as the ones centering around Hindutva. Today, overwhelmed by the experience of the Ramjanmabhumi movement and the destruction of the Babri mosque at Ayodhya, we no longer care to read the entire Hindutva literature produced over the last seventy five years. We think we know what they have to say. If all nationalist thought is the same, as Ernest Gellner believes, Hindu nationalist thought cannot be any different, we are sure.5 If you, however, read the Hindutva literature, you will find in it a systematic, consistent, often direct attack on Hindu gods and goddesses. Most stalwarts of Hindutva have not been interested in Hindu religion and have said so openly. Their tolerance for the rituals and myths of their faith has been even less. Many of them have come to Hindutva as a reaction to everyday, vernacular Hinduism. This rejection is a direct product of nineteenth century Indian modernity and its models of the ideal Hindu as a Vedantic European or, for that matter, Vedantic Muslim. That is why until recently in no shakha of the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh or RSS, the voluntary force that constitutes the steel frame of Hindu nationalism, there could be, by the conventions of the RSS, any icon of any deity except Bharatmata, Mother India. The Ramjanmabhumi temple is the first temple for which the RSS has shed any tear or shown any concern and that concern, to judge by their participation in worship or rituals at the temple, seems skin-deep.
In 1990-91 I had interviewed at great length the chief priest of the Ramjanmabhumi temple itself, Baba Lal Das, a remarkably courageous, ecumenical man of religion who was murdered soon after the mosque was demolished. He told me that during the previous seven years of the movement in support of the temple, no major political leader of the movement had cared to worship at the temple, except one who had got a puja done through a third party without herself visiting the temple. I may tell at this point my favourite story about the devotion to Ram of the Hindu nationalists. Once, in the course of his only visit to an RSS shakha, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi looked around and found on the walls of the shakha portraits of some of the famous martial heroes of Hindutva such as Shivaji and Rana Pratap. Being a devotee of Ram, Gandhi naturally asked, ‘Why have you not put up a portrait of Ram also?’ Those were not the days of the Ramjanmabhumi movement and the RSS leader showing him around said ‘No, that we cannot do. Ram is too effeminate to serve our purpose.’
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| Fascinating!
"for he had not allowed a Muslim to do what Muslims had not allowed Hindus to do with Islam’s symbols of the sacred" reminds one of what Hindutvavadis are doing with MF Husain and his paintings of Hindu divinities, esp the ones published by TISCO (incl. a naked Sita sitting on the thigh of a naked Ravana, a naked Sita with a naked Hanuman's tail curving up between her thighs and against her genitalia, a naked male apparently sodomising a naked female before a naked Hanuman, a naked Shiva watching a headless naked Parvati? being vaginally fisted by a naked male, a tiger whose pelvis becomes the pelvis of naked Durga, a naked Lakshmi whose vagina is Ganesha's tilak, a naked Saraswati, and a naked Krishna).
Husain Sahib quite rightly on Rajat Sharma's Aap ki Adalat (Sept 8, 2004) explained all this as a matter of aesthetics, just as that he'd painted Hitler in the nude because Hitler was a "shaitan" (evil exposed? nakedly evil?, but he did decline to clarify whether the Hindu goddesses he painted naked were therefore evil too). |
| Posted By
Krishen Kak On Date:
26 Jan 2010 |
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| Ma Kak Ji
It happens only in India that a person like M F Hussain is being supported by a group of persons in the garb of supporting freedom of exxpresson.If nude and vulgure painting of Hindu Gods and godesses is amatter of asthetics, then why he has not painted his mother,mother teressa ,fatima in the same fassion? Does it not show his hattred against hindu gods and mother India? Moreover if he has faith in Indian legal system, he should come and face them boldly.Ther are alot of seculsrists who are ready to support him. Why are they taking the shlter of his age to gain sympathy in the court?
Every has aright to prtect his faith and the pride of INdia. Why are some people making making nonsince in attacking these org and persons in a personal way? After getting failure in awarding him Padmashri,now they are making acompaign to bring hom back in In dia.We and judiciary are eagerly waiting fot his arrival.
Dr Surendra Jain. |
| Posted By
surendra jain On Date:
26 Jan 2010 |
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| "M F Hussain is being supported by a group of persons in the garb of supporting freedom of exxpresson"
Actually, that's not quite true. Husain Sahib is supported not just by all our eminent secularists but also by the government (that awarded him a Padma Vibhushan) and by the judiciary (both the Delhi High Court and the Supreme Court).
Now, it is true that Husain Sahib has never painted any Muslim figure nude. It is also true that when he offended Muslim sentiments with his film "Meenaxi", he withdrew the film from the market.
To people like Shri Surendra Jain, this would be double standards and hypocrisy (of the kind critiqued by Nandy in that sentence of his I quoted below).
However, our government and judiciary and our eminent secularists (including the late Padma Bhushan LM Singhvi, whom Husain Sahib cited in his defence in that TV show) all believe Husain Sahib is exercising his Constitutional freedom of expression. That he chooses to apply one standard to Hindu depictions and another to Muslim ones is not hypocrisy but a matter of aesthetic interpretation.
Shri Ashok Chowgule has responded separately to Manushi in regard to the Nandy article. I take the liberty of quoting from his reply -
"There is a Sanskrit phrase 'atmavan manyate jagat', which means 'One understands the world as one is oneself'."
Therefore, that Hindutvavadis see the former as pornographic is because they are aesthetically-challenged. To our secularists and judges, it is Art. |
| Posted By
Krishen Kak On Date:
26 Jan 2010 |
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| Dear Krishen Kak
You mix up three terms/definitions and create a hotch-potch of an argument:
1. "Constitutional Freedom of Expression"
2. Aesthetics (when you refer to someone being 'aesthetically-challenged')
3. 'Aesthetic Interpretation'
1.
No "freedom" is absolute. "Freedoms" are governed by the cliched phrase that 'one person's freedom ends where another person's begins.
Erroneously, when talking about 'freedoms' we obsess ourselves with 'freedoms of expression' and ignore the equally important 'freedoms of reception'.
The 'freedom' for 'expression' is both in 'expressing' and in choosing 'not-to-express'. Similarly the 'freedom' for 'reception' is both in 'receiving' and in choosing 'not-to-receive'.
In all four scenarios the limits are set by 'common consent' when the issues are those that lend themselves to subjective judgement based on personal-beliefs; personal-morality or personal-ethics. The best example of that is 'laws on pornography' and the nebulous concept of "respect for all religions".
2.
Aesthetics is subjective (personal) judgement/evaluation-of-merit. Two or more entities might be have completely varied ideas on what is aesthetic and what is not and none of the two entities would be any lesser or greater than the other.
3.
Aesthetic-interpretation is an interpretation of a pre-existing Body (of work). One or more interpretations might make fascinating sense for some and to others seem to be foolish or nonsensical.
If the subject paintings of Hussain are "Aesthetic Interpretations", of what are those "Interpretations"? What are they based on?
The "content" (subject/topic) of those paintings (so very eloquently described by you in an earlier mail) would have to be already resident in earlier "Bodies of Work" for Hussain's paintings to be treated as "Interpretations". Is it so?
Whether they (interpretations) are aesthetic or not is hardly a issue when we first question whether they are "interpretations' at all or whether the 'content' of those paintings is simple the product of Hussain's fertile (artistic) imagination.
An artistic essay (painting; sculpture; theatre; movie) presents child-pornography as the content of the essay. It is done in an extremely aesthetic manner.
Is that acceptable, whether in the name of 'Aesthetics' or in the name of "Aesthetic-Interpretation' or in the name of "Constitutional Freedom of Expression" ?
If we do not recognise the non-absolute nature of "freedoms" and tweak the limits of freedom agreed upon by 'common consent' for selective application as per our choice, we are encouraging conflict.
If the 'religious sensibilities' of one group are treated as being of secondary importance to "Constitutional Freedom of Expression"; "Aesthetics"; "Aesthetic Interpretation" it is only to be expected that they will want to take similar liberties with the "Religious sentiments" of some other group(s).
More importantly, , by blinding ourselves to the religious-socio-political realities, we might indulge ourselves in the intellectual pursuit of philosophising on "Freedoms" and "Aesthetics" but the fall-out leads to increasingly hardened intolerance and loss of human lives.
............ aalok aima |
| Posted By
aalok aima On Date:
26 Jan 2010 |
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| Dear Aalok, Thanks for your exegesis of this issue. I would like to explore one part of your response. You say:
>If the 'religious sensibilities' of one group are treated as being of secondary importance to "Constitutional Freedom of Expression"; "Aesthetics"; "Aesthetic Interpretation" it is only to be expected that they will want to take similar liberties with the "Religious sentiments" of some other group(s).
A few questions here:
1. Are our (societal/judicial/executive) standards different for sensitivity towards the religious sensitivities of different religious groups e.g. for Hindus vs. Muslims vs. Sikhs etc (allowing for the moment the inherent problems in even assuming that these groups are well-defined entities to which sensitivity can be ascribed as a group property)?
2. If these standards are different, what is the reason for different standards? Is the difference because some groups are predisposed to a strong reaction at even slight liberties so we tread on eggshells around these, or is it because of political or other reasons.
3. If it is because of how some groups would react strongly and violently—when we accept that sensitivity and curtail those liberties, either through self-censorship or institutionally—do we provide a template for other groups to similarly react strongly and violently so that they can also get a similar response?
4. What is the role of the intelligentsia in upholding these different standards of sensitivity, if such exist, towards different religious groups?
Regards, Sankrant. |
| Posted By
Sankrant Sanu On Date:
26 Jan 2010 |
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| This arose from a statement I quoted of Shri Nandy's and my post was in the context of that statement.
Shri Aalok's exegesis is scholarly but it misses the main point. Shri Sanu elaborates this point.
There can be no doubt whatever that Husain Sahib has a double standard in exercising his aesthetic interpretation.
This double standard is one for how he looks at kaffirs and the kaffir beliefsystem and another for how he looks (or does not look) at momins and the momin beliefsystem.
This double standard is recognized/defended/upheld as a secular right and freedom by our government, judiciary and seculariat.
Does Shri Aalok accept that there is a double standard?
All the rest becomes quibbling.
PS
On that TV show, Husain Sahib revealed that, before his film was denounced by the ulema, an alim had first attempted to extort money and paintings from him. There was no report of the seculariat that defends Husain Sahib's right to paint Hindu goddesses naked and evil leaping to his defence by attacking the alim who'd dared to try and blackmail him, as they leap to his defence when Hindutvavadis attack him. Of course, Husain Sahib himself and the ulema are momins and Hindutvavadis are kaffirs. |
| Posted By
Krishen Kak On Date:
26 Jan 2010 |
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| Sorry, I've already replied to this thinking it was an argument made by Shri Aalok.
I have only pointed out one kind of painting MF Husain does, and the two contradictory takes on this.
Okay, let us first settle the basic issue.
Is there or is there not a double standard? |
| Posted By
Krishen Kak On Date:
26 Jan 2010 |
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| No BODY SHOULD BE ALLOWED TO HURT THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS OF THE MILLIONS IN THE GARB OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND ART,KLK |
| Posted By
KL Kamal On Date:
28 Jan 2010 |
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